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sometimes the most obvious
derangements of our politics are staring us in
the face but we don't see them. take, for
instance, the health care reform bill for which
president obama and the democrats are forever
lusting. many people have protested it isn't
really a reform bill, because reform implies
improvement and this isn't an improvement.
but it isn't the "reform"
part of the democrats' health care bill (if they
ever agree on one) that strikes me as most
perverse. it's calling this voluminous
monstrosity a bill. can you have a bill, a
single law, that is almost 3,000 pages long? in
the old days, that would have constituted a
whole code of laws. when our founders thought
about law, they often thought along the lines of
john locke, who described law as a community's
"settled standing rules, indifferent, and the
same to all parties," emphasizing that to be
legitimate a statute must be "received and
allowed by common consent to be the standard of
right and wrong, and the common measure to
decide all controversies" between citizens.
this phonebook-sized law that
would control a sixth of the u.s. economy cannot
be a law by that definition. if you rummage
through the text of, say, the house of
representatives' version of the bill, you find
scores of places where power is delegated to
administrative agencies and special boards,
which are charged to fill the gaps in the
written legislation by promulgating thousands,
if not tens of thousands, of new pages of
regulations that will then be applied to
individual cases. voters sometimes complain that
legislators don't read the laws they enact. why
would they, in this case? you could read this
leviathan until your eyeballs popped out and
still not find any "settled, standing rules" or
a meaning that is "indifferent, and the same to
all parties."
in fact, that's the point of
such promiscuous laws. they operate not by
setting up fences to protect each man's liberty.
they start not from equal rights but from equal
(and often unequal) privileges, the favors or
benefits that government may bestow on or
withhold from its clients. the whole point is to
empower government officials, usually unelected
and unaccountable bureaucrats, to bless or curse
your petitions as they see fit, guided, of
course, by their expertness in a law so vast, so
intricate, and so capricious that it could
justify a hundred different outcomes in the same
case. faster than one might think, a government
of equal laws turns into a regime of arbitrary
privileges.
a "privilege" is literally a
private law. when law ceases to be a common
"standard of right and wrong" and a "common
measure to decide all controversies," then the
rule of law ceases to be republican and becomes
despotic. freedom itself ceases to be a right
and becomes a gift, or the fruit of a corrupt
bargain, because in such degraded regimes those
who are close to and connected with the ruling
class have special privileges.
* * *
it was against the threat of
such a despotism that proper and not so proper
bostonians threw the original tea party. the
english east india company was about to go
bankrupt, and the british government bailed it
out by passing the tea act of 1773, granting the
company's agents a monopoly on selling tea to
americans and filling the government's own
coffers by taxing the sales. the americans had
already rejected this tax as unconstitutional in
1767, but it stayed on the books. among the
company's agents in massachusetts were the royal
governor's two sons and a nephew. they didn't
call it chicago-style politics then, but the
principles were the same.
today's tea party movement
sees a similar threat of despotism-of monopoly
control of health care, corrupting bailouts,
massive indebtedness, and the eclipse of
constitutional rights-in the obama
administration's policies. the tea party
patriots may mistake the president's motives
when they compare him to king george. but they
are right to suspect in the very nature of
modern liberalism and the modern state something
hostile to the consent of the governed and to
constitutional liberty. the republic will owe
them a debt of gratitude if obama's plans end up
just as wet as george iii's, floating in the
salty tea pot of boston harbor.
charles r. kesler is a senior
fellow of the claremont institute and editor of
the
claremont review of books. respond to the
author
here.
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